After marathon negotiations, an agreement was finally reached on 10 April 1998. The Good Friday Agreement was a complex balancing act that reflects the three-strand approach. Within Northern Ireland, it has created a new de-elected assembly for Northern Ireland, calling for executive power to be shared by parties representing both communities. In addition, a new North-South Council of Ministers should be set up to institutionalise the link between the two parts of Ireland. The Irish Government has also committed to amending Articles 2 and 3 of the Constitution of the Republic, which appeal to Northern Ireland, to reflect the aspiration for Irish unity through purely democratic means, while accepting the diversity of identities and traditions in Ireland. Finally, a Council of The Islands should be created that recognises “all relations” within the British Isles, including representatives of both governments, and de-elected institutions in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. The Protocol on Ireland and Northern Ireland, which is included in the UK`s withdrawal agreement from the EU, confirmed that the Good Friday Agreement must be protected in all its parts. This conference takes the form of regular and frequent meetings between The British and Irish ministers to promote cooperation between the two governments at all levels. On issues not left to Northern Ireland, the Irish government can present views and proposals. All decisions of the Conference are taken by mutual agreement between the two governments and the two governments, in order to make resolute efforts to resolve the differences between them. The terms of the Good Friday agreement should not be affected by the UK`s withdrawal from the European Union (EU). Any changes to the Good Friday Agreement must be decided by the British and Irish governments.
The main themes addressed by Sunningdale and dealt with in the Belfast Agreement are the principle of self-determination, the recognition of the two national identities, intergovernmental cooperation between the British and Ireland and legal procedures for compulsory power-sharing, such as inter-community voting and the D`Hondt system for appointing ministers to the executive.   Former IRA member and journalist Tommy McKearney says the main difference is the British government`s intention to negotiate a comprehensive agreement including the IRA and the most intransigent unionists.  With regard to the right to self-determination, two qualifications are recorded by the writer Austen Morgan. First, the transfer of territory from one state to another must be done through an international agreement between the British and Irish governments. Second, the population of Northern Ireland can no longer be alone in united Ireland; They need not only the Irish government, but also the people of their neighbouring country, Ireland, to support unity. Mr Morgan also pointed out that, unlike the Irish Act 1949 and the Northern Ireland Constitution Act 1973, drawn up under Sunningdale, the 1998 agreement and the resulting British legislation explicitly provide for the possibility of a unified Ireland.  In the context of political violence during the riots, the agreement required participants to find “exclusively democratic and peaceful ways to resolve political differences.” This has taken two aspects: the British government is virtually out of the game and neither the British parliament nor the British people have the legal right, as part of this agreement, to hinder the achievement of Irish unity if it had the consent of the people of the North and the South… Our nation is and will remain a nation of 32 circles.
Antrim and Down are and will remain a part of Ireland, just like any southern county.  Emma Vardy, BBC Ireland Correspondent, has a simple guide to what it is all about. The result of these referendums was a large majority in both parts of Ireland in favour of the agreement.